Abstract:
This Thesis aims at mapping this Festival's ritualistic landscape, exploring the multiple layers in which it manifests in the urban form - the points of significance, associated spaces, ritual actors, agents, events and spatial transformation through primary observations, mapping both the dynamic and static; temporary and permanent markers and winding routes of the Jatra. The Festival cycle is studied through its constituent events by studying how the participants and observers interact at a particular festive time. To understand this phenomena spatially, the liminal stages of each ritual is also recorded in terms of spatial transformation.
Ritual theories which elaborate upon the interaction between place and ritual have been studied to inform this exercise. The parameters that were deduced from this study have been used to analyse the ritual structure of the festival to understand the symbiotic relationship between the urban fabric of the Historic core of Kathmandu city and the events of the Indra Jatra.
The three major strands of Indra Jatra namely, the Indra Jatra, the Bhairab Jatra and the Kumari Rath Yatra follow structures of their own which have been built into the festival's timeline through chronological progression. Though the exact dating of their origins has not been determines, yet - through records such as the Vamshavalis and oral histories passed down among various communities - it has been concluded that
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the Indra and Bhairab Jatras were introduced during the reign of King Gunakamadeva I during the 10th CE before which the settlement had been divided into Yambu (Norther half, from Maru tol up until Tha Hiti) and Yangala (Maru tol to present day Teku). The Kumari Rath Yatra began was brought into the city in 18th CE by King Jayaprakasha Malla in honour of the Kumari who is believed to be an incarnation of the tutelary deity of the Mallas, Goddess Taleju. This chronology of events is portrayed in the nature of the ritual events and the participants. While the older Jatras have been historically celebrated by the Newars, the Kumari Rath Yatra receives reverence from the other segments of the society such as the Parbatiyas and Madheshis, as well. While the Kumari Rath Yatra observes the procession of the chariots of the deities on three days on different routes originating and culminating in the Basantapur square, the other two Jatras involve a fusion of processions, dances and stationary elements such as the Bhairab busts, haathu-haki and the Indra Khats.
The Indra Jatra has been looked at through the lens of anthropology and religion studies before but has never been spatially mapped to define its ritualistic landscape. The spaces associated with the Indra Jatra have always received mere mentions but no research into the character of these spaces and their relationship with the Jatra has been carried out, prior to this study.
Through the spatial mapping, it was observed that the festival, geographically, has a locus and a perimeter - and these two attributes keep shifting as the festival expands and contracts according to the events. On different days, this spread and its behavior changes.
The socio-cultural mapping of the festival's participants reveals the unique identity of Newar Guthis (trusts) that are instrumental in the organizing and management of the festival and its constituent events. These bodies of people - either characterised by locality, lineage, tutelary deity or profession - each have a responsibility in the carrying out of duties for the Jatra. While some Guthis are associated with Temples such as the Akash Bhairab Guthi (Indra Chowk) and Ashok Binayak Guthis (Maru); some are based on location like the Jya: Bahaa Guthi. They not only collect and regulate funds but decide the proceedings of the ritual. A case example of the Ashok Binayak Guthi : its Naayo (leader) is the primary decision-maker along with the other elders of the community. Their Guthi is responsible for the Indra Khat in Maru Tol - which is a temporary and stationary ritual object which acts as a marker. The timber
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of the Khat is stored in front of the Gutthi Ghar while the effigy of Indra is placed in a shrine-room within the Guthi Ghar and is brought out only one day before the Indradhvajotthana (Bhadra 12). It is offered Ganesh Pooja by the Naayo, himself and looked after the rest of the year by his family. The Guthi also organizes feasts such as the samaybaji for the community1. These Guthi Ghars are also important spaces which are associated with the Jatra. To elaborate this further, the Devi Nach - a mask-dance portraying the Kumari defeating Daitya with the help of Chandi and Bhairab, containing seven dancers and an accompaniment of singers and musicians. Each of these deities have particular costumes, instruments, weapons, flowers, jewellery and masks associated with them. And before they assume the role of the deity, they undergo a rigorous training lasting a month before the pran-pratishtha where they worship their Nyasadeoh (the tutelary deity of the performing arts). The Nyasadeoh has a shrine, open space where the feasts and the preparations take place. There is also a Gutthi ghar to store the ritual materials and host the actors. Without these essential spaces, the dances cannot continue. The Naayos of such dances are responsible for the upkeep of these spaces which are funded by donations within the community. A lack thereof can mean that the entire ritual can be discontinues like the Khyapyakhyan of Kathmandu. No legislation protects or lists such spaces and while community belief keeps them from being torn down, its not enough to maintain these spaces that are ceremonial in nature.2
Besides ritual and socio-cultural mapping, efforts have been taken to record the edges of these ritual spaces and the various processional routes to understand the relationship between the built fabric and their contribution to the changing liminality of spaces. In certain rituals it was observed that the immediate surroundings of the space - the houses with balconies projecting outwards, over-looking the Dabu or Satthals with ornate windows become the frame while for some rituals, it is the people who are the frame - their movement defined by the Actors' movement - whether they are chasing after the actor, surrounding it or walking along with it.
These attributes of space that act as a container of the festival that plays out for eight days beginning on Bhadra 12.
1 Interview with Gutthi Naayo Tirtha Maharjan in February, 2019
2 Interview with Dee Pyakhyan / Devi Naach Gutthi member Ram Maharjan in Februrary, 2019
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To understand the festival's structure, a detailed schedule of events, taking place simultaneously or otherwise, was prepared with the help of primary observation, site-based interviews, secondary sources and recordings of previous celebrations.
Detailing this schedule - with essential questions of who the actors, participants, ritual space and ritual time led to information gaps which were then resolved on-site through primary survey which included physical documentation, interviews with the Gutthi leaders who organise the rituals; local participants; experts; performers and officials who are involved with the Indra Jatra. The next phase involved delineating the open-spaces, clusters and routes, spatially, through extensive mapping and graphical representation. These tools helped in identifying the spaces most essential to the Indra Jatra and demarcating the ritualistic landscape of the Indra Jatra in the city of Kathmandu so as to come up with recommendations to conserve the physical fabric that supports the festival and re-look at the World Heritage Site inscription in order to challenge how the significance of the Historic core of Kathmandu city, as described in the inscription, can be enhanced by adding the element of the Indra Jatra as an intangible phenomenon that acts like an anchor to define the collective identity of the Historic core and the culture of the people of Kathmandu city.